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The reasonably free Shia majority is a major economic problem for the vast Sunni majority, but Baathist documents in the National Museum now show that Saddam's Sunni puppet-leaders relied on a Sunni home guard, the Fedayeen Saddam, whom Saddam later made a sort of quasi-leg army. The war also created deeply inter-tribal strife, as Iraq's Sunni minority goaded their former Baathist government's Sunni allies toward civil strife, and the Shia themselves. In short, Saddam's "war" was a conflict not only between Iraq and Saddam's foreign adversaries, but also within the country.
Saddam's propaganda myth-shrouded Iraq as a nation was instead more akin to Yugoslavia or to Stalin's own Soviet Union, in which a cult of personality and an extreme "us-vs-them" attitude imbued the regime with the trappings of legitimacy, while its authoritarian pretenses were often half-true at best. Saddam and his sectarian henchmen staged phony terrorist attacks from Iran, but oil was the real war - and Iraq was a battlefield in it. Few Saddamists lost in Iraq, of course; they got billions, after all. But Saddam's Baathism ended up like Saddam's socialism, but more viscous and crafty. And the ruined Iraq, like the ruined Soviet Union, now has few friends.
As in Yugoslavia, it is the ethnic cleansing - or, in Iraqi speak, the " wiping out " - of Sunnis from most of the country - that threatens alone to lead to Syria's painful civil war. It will be interesting to see whether Obama can make the same case for Syria and call it a " d2c66b5586